Good Green Jobs in a Global Economy: Making and Keeping New Industries in the United States (Urban and Industrial Environments)
David J. Hess
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Good Green Jobs in a Global Economy is the first book to explore the broad implications of the convergence of industrial and environnmental policy in the United States. Under the banner of "green jobs," clean energy industries and labor, environmental, and antipoverty organizations have forged "blue-green" alliances and achieved some policy victories, most notably at the state and local levels. In this book, David Hess explores the politics of green energy and green jobs, linking the prospect of a green transition to tectonic shifts in the global economy. He argues that the relative decline in U.S. economic power sets the stage for an ideological shift, away from neoliberalism and toward "developmentalism," an ideology characterized by a more defensive posture with respect to trade and a more active industrial policy. After describing federal green energy initiatives in the first two years of the Obama administration, Hess turns his attention to the state and local levels, examining demand-side and supply-side support for green industry and local small business. He analyzes the successes and failures of green coalitions and the partisan patterns of support for green energy reform. This new piecemeal green industrial policy, Hess argues, signals a fundamental challenge to anti-interventionist beliefs about the relationship between the government and the economy.
argues that the energy is green because carbon emissions from fuel are recaptured in future crops. If “green” and “clean” are defined to mean carbon reduction relative to some alternative, the opportunities to reframe innovative existing energy technologies as clean or green are indeed open. However, to many environmentalists and environmental scientists the deficiencies associated with fossil fuels, nuclear energy, and biofuels are so great that it is inaccurate to refer to them as green or
global economy, at the state government level the policy response was to shift toward industrial policy based on the construction of regional high-tech clusters. The products of the regional clusters were consumed partially in-state and could serve as substitutions for products imported from other states and countries, but the products were also sold on national and global markets. The central feature of the cluster was to provide a geographical advantage to colocation due to access to special
have forged to promote a common ground of environmental reform and industrial development. The frame speaks to the chronic unemployment and underemployment that many Americans face, and it articulates the goal of creating highquality jobs. An important sector of good jobs is manufacturing, and developing jobs in that sector is a significant challenge. The United States lost about 6 million manufacturing jobs during the first decade of this century. Union leaders such as Leo Gerard see in green
successful strategy for China in the automotive sector, where battery and fuel cell research formerly conducted in America is being conducted alongside auto assembly lines in China. (2010) This comment connects the protectionist and competitiveness aspects of green industrial policy. From a protectionist viewpoint, China is using trade policy aggressively to break down intellectual property protections for American industry. Some of its policies may be in violation of trade law and therefore
availability.18 Because the ARRA provisions applied to items purchased by the federal government or built with government assistance, they were not 86 Chapter 3 economy-wide measures and were allowed under general World Trade Organization law. However, some countries have signed a side agreement to limit such favoritism. Forty trading partners have signed the Government Procurement Agreement (GPA), which was designed to end domestic-content provisions even for government purchases.