Cyber Policy in China (China Today)
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Few doubt that China wants to be a major economic and military power on the world stage. To achieve this ambitious goal, however, the PRC leadership knows that China must first become an advanced information-based society. But does China have what it takes to get there? Are its leaders prepared to make the tough choices required to secure China’s cyber future? Or is there a fundamental mismatch between China’s cyber ambitions and the policies pursued by the CCP until now?
This book offers the first comprehensive analysis of China’s information society. It explores the key practical challenges facing Chinese politicians as they try to marry the development of modern information and communications technology with old ways of governing their people and conducting international relations. Fundamental realities of the information age, not least its globalizing character, are forcing the pace of technological change in China and are not fully compatible with the old PRC ethics of stability, national industrial strength and sovereignty. What happens to China in future decades will depend on the ethical choices its leaders are willing to make today. The stakes are high. But if China’s ruling party does not adapt more aggressively to the defining realities of power and social organization in the information age, the ‘China dream’ looks unlikely to become a reality.
Law Institute in the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), in a project designed to help the State Secrets Bureau understand the limits of the evolving interest of high-level political leaders in more transparency (Xiao 2012). Yet, in spite of these signs of new openness, the government still sought to retain a monopoly on the dominant news messages and leading information indicators about public life at the national level. In 2000, a number of dedicated, government-owned news websites
year.) Wen staked a lot in his remarks on open government and public consultation, including his assertion that officials should declare their assets. He said the government was making active preparations for such declarations as a way of preventing corruption. China published a white paper on the internet in 2010, an event that came a full fifteen years after the technology began to be introduced publicly. One of the primary motivations for publishing the white paper was to set out the public
standards. By 2000, the country had joined most of the major international organizations and treaties governing IPR. In 2001 it made major revisions to several laws; its formal accession to WTO that year imposed new obligations on it to protect IPR. By 2005, China was operating a moderately effective system of patent protection that had a significant bearing on S&T development. That system was adversely affected by the institutional and social environment (political control of the courts,
in China, she gave it as her assessment that China has lagged behind because ‘there have not been any new positive cultural factors to be incorporated; there has been no institutional framework to 124 INNOVATIVE INFORMATION ECONOMY provide the relevant support; and the cultural environment has not induced and encouraged innovation’. She said that negative elements of traditional Chinese culture, such as the ‘excessive caution, com placency, . . . established ways . . . , unwillingness to
that might hinder the development of either a global information society or the national part of it (within the borders of the state). The third internationally focused policy value is a commitment to the principle of interdependent informatized security, where states of differing information capability (and political systems) work proactively to combine information resources and assets to address regional and global problems, such as climate change, resource shortages or humanitarian disasters.