Chairman Mao: The Life and Legacy of Mao Zedong
Charles River Editors
Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub
*Includes excerpts of Mao's writings about politics and military strategy.
*Includes a bibliography for further reading.
“A revolution is not a dinner party, or writing an essay, or painting a picture, or doing embroidery. It cannot be so refined, so leisurely and gentle, so temperate, kind, courteous, restrained and magnanimous. A revolution is an insurrection, an act of violence by which one class overthrows another.” – Mao Zedong
It’s a sure sign of fame when a man is known simply by his first name, and Mao Zedong, often referred to simply as Mao or Chairman Mao, was one of the most influential men of the 20th century. He was also arguably the most controversial; as the founder of the People’s Republic of China, Mao rose from being a communist revolutionary to successfully overthrowing a regime and transforming China into a communist powerhouse in Asia. The ramifications of Mao’s life and legacy are still very much felt today, as China continues to transition into a superpower that may soon lay claim to the world’s largest economy.
Mao’s communist revolution is still controversial, but it was his reign over China that has made him notorious, and in the West he is often considered one of history’s biggest tyrants. Mao’s revolution and his subsequent policies have been accused of causing millions of deaths, possibly more than the likes of Hitler and Stalin. It has been roughly estimated that Mao was responsible for the deaths of anywhere from 40-70 million, but he has plenty of defenders as well, who cite Mao’s military and political leadership for inspiring similar revolutions across the world.
Chairman Mao: The Life and Legacy of Mao Zedong chronicles the rise of Mao and analyzes his leadership of China and the lasting effects he has had on geopolitics today. Along with pictures of important people, places, and events, you will learn about Mao like you never have before, in no time at all.
counterparts in Europe, Zheng argued it would consign itself to foreign domination and exploitation. A second pamphlet entitled The Dismemberment of China detailed the devastating effects of incursions on Chinese sovereignty by the more advanced British, French, and even the Japanese, who had taken the necessary steps to modernize and become a world power. Many educated Chinese of the era had gone to Japan for training and education, and the rival across the water, which had demolished the
Stalin assured his guest that the various world powers had no more appetite for war. He was not being honest; he had already given approval to the communist leader of North Korea, Kim Il Sung, who intended to invade South Korea, but he did not share this information with Mao yet. It was only in March 1950 that the Chinese leader learned that the neighboring country would be renewing hostilities in the region, at which point he promised Chinese support to North Korea’s Kim. None of them seemed to
relatively luxurious Beijing neighborhood of Zhongnanhai. It is not surprising, then, that their discussions of agricultural policy had taken on such an abstract theoretical tone. Nevertheless, the First Five-Year Plan was successful in its goals of increasing agricultural production and growing heavy industry. The economic output of both sectors nearly doubled by 1957, and Mao himself seems to have become somewhat “dizzy with success” at this point. His actions of the subsequent few years
Workers working steel furnaces at night during the Great Leap Forward era The second failed policy was rural industrialization, based on the construction of small steel-smelting furnaces on the agricultural communes with which peasants would supposedly produce steel out of scrap metal. The enterprise failed disastrously, but officials again falsified reports in order to meet government-set steel production targets. The diversion of rural labor towards unsuccessful efforts at steel production
this, the Comintern insisted, under direct orders from Stalin, that the Chinese communists remain part of the Guomindang, and Stalin continued covert funding of the Guomindang. The branch of the nationalist movement that was more sympathetic to the communists, based in Wuhan, ultimately accepted Chiang’s leadership and turned against their allies. The stage was now set for a long and grueling civil war. In an article that Mao wrote in 1928, he summarized the events of 1926-1927, writing: “China